Monday, January 28, 2013

Timbuktu Libraries Burned~ A Major Loss for Humanity

More Sadness in Mali

Libraries like the Ahmed Baba institute were rescuing Africa's history from oblivion.

 Photograph: Sebastien Cailleux/Corbis



Luke Harding in Sévaré
guardian.co.uk,
Monday 28 January 2013 17.07GMT

Timbuktu mayor: Mali rebels torched library of historic manuscripts

Fleeing Islamist insurgents burnt two buildings containing priceless books as French-led troops approached, says mayor.

Islamist insurgents retreating from Timbuktu set fire to a library containing thousands of priceless historic manuscripts, according to the Saharan town's mayor, in an incident he described as a "devastating blow" to world heritage.

Hallé Ousmani Cissé told the Guardian that al-Qaida-allied fighters on Saturday torched two buildings that held the manuscripts, some of which dated back to the 13th century. They also burned down the town hall, the governor's office and an MP's residence, and shot dead a man who was celebrating the arrival of the French military.

French troops and the Malian army reached the gates of Timbuktu on Saturday and secured the town's airport. But they appear to have got there too late to rescue the leather-bound manuscripts that were a unique record of sub-Saharan Africa's rich medieval history. The rebels attacked the airport on Sunday, the mayor said.

"It's true. They have burned the manuscripts," Cissé said in a phone interview from Mali's capital, Bamako. "They also burned down several buildings. There was one guy who was celebrating in the street and they killed him."

He added: "This is terrible news. The manuscripts were a part not only of Mali's heritage but the world's heritage. By destroying them they threaten the world. We have to kill all of the rebels in the north."

On Monday French army officers said French-led forces had entered Timbuktu and secured the town without a shot being fired. A team of French paratroopers crept into the town by moonlight, advancing from the airport, they said. Residents took to the streets to celebrate.

The manuscripts were held in two separate locations: an ageing library and a new South African-funded research centre, the Ahmad Babu Institute, less than a mile away. Completed in 2009 and named after a 17th-century Timbuktu scholar, the centre used state-of-the-art techniques to study and conserve the crumbling scrolls.

Both buildings were burned down, according to the mayor, who said the information came from an informer who had just left the town. Asked whether any of the manuscripts might have survived, Cissé replied: "I don't know."

The manuscripts had survived for centuries in Timbuktu, on the remote south-west fringe of the Sahara desert. They were hidden in wooden trunks, buried in boxes under the sand and in caves. When French colonial rule ended in 1960, Timbuktu residents held preserved manuscripts in 60-80 private libraries.

The vast majority of the texts were written in Arabic. A few were in African languages, such as Songhai, Tamashek and Bambara. There was even one in Hebrew. They covered a diverse range of topics including astronomy, poetry, music, medicine and women's rights. The oldest dated from 1204.

Seydou Traoré, who has worked at the Ahmed Baba Institute since 2003, and fled shortly before the rebels arrived, said only a fraction of the manuscripts had been digitised. "They cover geography, history and religion. We had one in Turkish. We don't know what it said."

He said the manuscripts were important because they exploded the myth that "black Africa" had only an oral history. "You just need to look at the manuscripts to realise how wrong this is."

Some of the most fascinating scrolls included an ancient history of west Africa, the Tarikh al-Soudan, letters of recommendation for the intrepid 19th-century German explorer Heinrich Barth, and a text dealing with erectile dysfunction.

A large number dated from Timbuktu's intellectual heyday in the 14th and 15th centuries, Traoré said. By the late 1500s the town, north of the Niger river, was a wealthy and successful trading centre, attracting scholars and curious travellers from across the Middle East. Some brought books to sell.

Typically, manuscripts were not numbered, Traoré said, but repeated the last word of a previous page on each new one. Scholars had painstakingly numbered several of the manuscripts, but not all, under the direction of an international team of experts.

Mali government forces that had been guarding Timbuktu left the town in late March, as Islamist fighters advanced rapidly across the north. Fighters from al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) – the group responsible for the attack on the Algerian gas facility – then swept in and seized the town, pushing out rival militia groups including secular Tuareg nationalists.

Traoré told the Guardian that he decided to leave Timbuktu in January 2012 amid ominous reports of shootings in the area, and after the kidnapping of three European tourists from a Timbuktu hotel. A fourth tourist, a German, resisted and was shot dead. Months later AQIM arrived, he said.

Four or five rebels had been sleeping in the institute, which had comparatively luxurious facilities for staff, he said. As well as the manuscripts, the fighters destroyed almost all of the 333 Sufi shrines dotted around Timbuktu, believing them to be idolatrous. They smashed a civic statue of a man sitting on a winged horse. "They were the masters of the place," Traoré said.

Other residents who fled Timbuktu said the fighters adorned the town with their black flag. Written on it in Arabic were the words "God is great". The rebels enforced their own brutal and arbitrary version of Islam, residents said, with offenders flogged for talking to women and other supposed crimes. The floggings took place in the square outside the 15th-century Sankoré mosque, a Unesco world heritage site.

"They weren't religious men. They were criminals," said Maha Madu, a Timbuktu boatman, now in the Niger river town of Mopti. Madu said the fighters grew enraged if residents wore trousers down to their ankles, which they believed to be western and decadent. He alleged that some fighters kidnapped and raped local women, keeping them as virtual sex slaves. "They were hypocrites. They told us they couldn't smoke. But they smoked themselves," he said.

The rebels took several other towns south of Timbuktu, he said, including nearby Diré. If the rebels spotted a boat flying the Malian national flag, they ripped the flag off and replaced it with their own black one, he said.

The precise fate of the manuscripts was difficult to verify. All phone communication with Timbuktu was cut off. The town was said to be without electricity, water or fuel. According to Traoré, who was in contact with friends there until two weeks ago, many of the rebels left town following France's military intervention.

He added: "My friend [in Timbuktu] told me they were diminishing in number. He doesn't know where they went. But he said they were trying to hide their cars by painting and disguising them with mud."

The recapture of Timbuktu is another success for the French military, which has now secured two out of three of Mali's key rebel-held sites, including the city of Gao on Saturday. The French have yet to reach the third, Kidal. Local Tuareg militia leaders said on Monday they had taken control of Kidal after the abrupt departure of the Islamist fighters who ran the town.

Libraries like the Ahmed Baba institute were rescuing Africa's history from oblivion. Photograph: Sebastien Cailleux/Corbis

 

Destruction of Timbuktu Manuscripts is an Offence Against the Whole of Africa


Jonathan Jones
guardian.co.uk,
Monday 28 January 2013
12.32 EST


The reported destruction of two important manuscript collections by Islamist rebels as they fled Timbuktu is an offence to the whole of Africa and its universally important cultural heritage. Like their systematic destruction of 300 Sufi saints' shrines while they held Timbuktu at their mercy, it is an assault on world heritage comparable with the demolition of the Buddhas of Bamiyan by the Taliban in 2001.

The literary heritage of Timbuktu dates back to the 15th and 16th centuries when the gold-rich kingdoms of Mali and Songhai traded across the Sahara with the Mediterranean world. It took two months for merchant caravans to cross the desert, and while gold and slaves went north, books were going south.

In his Description of Africa, published in 1550, the traveller Leo Africanus marvels that in the bustling markets of Timbuktu, under the towers of its majestic mosques, the richest traders were booksellers.

They were selling manuscripts by Arab scholars on everything from astronomy and arithmetic to Islamic law, as well as mystical texts on Sufism, the otherworldly, saintly style of faith that the al-Qaida-affiliated Ansar Dine finds so offensive.

This legacy of Arab learning that goes back to the great scientists and mathematicians who preserved the classical Greek heritage in the early middle ages is richly represented in the manuscripts of Timbuktu – but not necessarily in its original form. For scribes copied and recopied books in this city that loved leaning, creating a legacy of works transcribed in the 18th and 19th centuries as well as earlier.

They also wrote down their own history and laws, chronicling the families of Timbuktu and preserving the poetry and stories of north Africa – at least, that is what seems to have lain in the many manuscripts of Timbuktu's lost legacy that were just starting to be properly conserved when this terrible religious vandalism plagued the city.

When European empires scrambled for Africa in the 19th century the continent was seen as illiterate and lacking in history, memory, or literature. Its art was seen as "primitive", partly because it lacked a written art history.

Timbuktu is a palimpsest in the sand that proves otherwise. Libraries like the Ahmed Baba institute were rescuing Africa's history from oblivion. Timbuktu is Africa's city of ancient books and learning that disproved racist myths about the continent. That luminous inheritance is what the Islamists have destroyed.

I appreciate this reporter's words, but disagree that the luminous inheritance of the knowledge and wisdom of Africa could ever be destroyed. What has been destroyed are the physical books that held a portion of the ancient knowledge and wisdom, that today's world rests upon. We mourn the loss of these manuscripts and books, but the inheritance and legacy is whole. We contain it.

In my thinking, the luminous inheritance lives within those of us that continue to pull out of what often appears to be a desert of shifting sands, false mirages and harsh unlivable conditions,~ deep understanding about Life, the Cosmos and natural phenomena and apply it to our present existence.

I rest in the truth of Bob's words telling of the Natural Mystics that abound upon the earth. We are indestructible, because we adapt and evolve. We receive the insight that is needed to allow us to continue to live true to a Principal of Wholeness, that is sourced from the Original Nature. And therefore, as Maya said, ".....still I Rise!"
Listen as you read Bob encouraging our Spirits~
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bqg90Qj2ApU
There's a natural mystic blowing through the air;


If you listen carefully now you will hear.

This could be the first trumpet, might as well be the last:

Many more will have to suffer,

Many more will have to die - don't ask me why.



Things are not the way they used to be,

I won't tell no lie;

One and all have to face reality now.

'Though I've tried to find the answer to all the questions they ask.

'Though I know it's impossible to go livin' through the past -

Don't tell no lie.



There's a natural mystic blowing through the air -

Can't keep them down -

If you listen carefully now you will hear.



There's a natural mystic blowing through the air.



This could be the first trumpet, might as well be the last:

Many more will have to suffer,

Many more will have to die - don't ask me why.



There's a natural mystic blowing through the air -

I won't tell no lie;

If you listen carefully now you will hear:

There's a natural mystic blowing through the air.

Such a natural mystic blowing through the air;

There's a natural mystic blowing through the air;

Such a natural mystic blowing through the air;

Such a natural mystic blowing through the air;

Such a natural mystic blowing through the air.


Peace be unto you.
Lovu,
Kentke



Sunday, January 27, 2013

Update on Liberation of Mali's Northern Cities

I've had my eye on Mali's troubles for some time now. My first blog on the nation was posted Dec 3, 2011.
 http://knewzfrommeroewest.blogspot.com/2011/12/al-qaida-in-mali-can-africa-get-break.html
Any student of African history knows the beautiful name Timbuktu, and the history of this remote city as post of Sahara trade and center of early African knowledge and Islamic scholarship. It's a place many have dreamed of visiting.

Hopefully you've followed France's decision to enter the war, and remain in Mali until the radical militant Islamists are routed, and the country is back in the hands of the people of Mali. January 21st, after facing resistance from Islamists, French and Malian troops entered and reclaimed the down of Diabaly.

French forces then extended their deployment northward, and Saturday Jan. 26th, French and Malian forces cleared radical Islamist fighters from Gao. Below are more key facts from two articles on the situation.

Kentke

Reported from France24, an online international news site:

Saturday's seizure of Gao, the most populated town in Mali's northern region, which is roughly the size of Texas, was announced by the French defence ministry and confirmed by Malian security sources.

French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault said the troops were currently "around Gao and (will be) soon near Timbuktu," further west. A fabled caravan town on the edge of the Sahara desert, Timbuktu served as a centre of Islamic learning for centuries.

"The objective is that the African multinational force being put together be able to take over, and that Mali be able to begin a process of political stabilisation," Ayrault said.

A Malian security source in Gao told AFP by telephone that a first contingent of Malian, Chadian and Niger troops had arrived in Gao to help secure it, having been flown in from Niamey, capital of neighbouring Niger.
Other soldiers from Chad and Niger were moving by land toward the Malian border from the Niger town of Ouallam, which lies about 100 kilometres southeast of Gao.

Washington's decision to agree to France's request for air refuelling facilities came after two weeks of deliberation. US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta gave the news to his French counterpart, Jean-Yves Le Drian in a telephone conversation Saturday, a Pentagon spokesman said. President Barack Obama made his support for the French operation clear in a phone conversation Friday with French President Francois Hollande.

The US military has an unparalleled fleet of more than 400 tankers equipped to refuel fighters and other warplanes in mid-air. France has about 14 such tankers.   On Saturday, West African defence chiefs meeting in Ivory Coast agreed to boost the their troop pledges for the force to 5,700 from the previous 4,500. So far however, only a fraction of the African troops have arrived in Bamako, the Malian capital in the south of the country. French and Malian forces have done all the fighting to date.   France has already deployed 2,500 troops to Mali and its defence ministry says 1,900 African soldiers are on the ground there and in Niger.

French and Malian forces encircle Timbuktu

By Matthieu Mabin , special correspondent in Mali
Update January 27, 2013


French and Malian forces are preparing an offensive on the symbolic city of Timbuktu, captured by Islamist militants last year. FRANCE 24 special correspondent Matthieu Mabin reports from the outskirts of the ancient town.
After recapturing the city of Gao on Saturday, French and Malian forced have switched their focus to Timbuktu. Early on Sunday morning, masses of heavily-armored troops arrived at the outskirts of the city, stationing themselves some 100 kilometres away from the city centre.

The French air force has laid the groundwork for an all-out offensive, using Dassault Mirage 2000s and Rafle fighter jets to destroy rebel points in the vast desert around the city. So far, the troops have experienced no form of counter-attack on the ground.   Attacking Timbuktu is a symbolic operation for Mali – overrun by Ansar Dine jihadist militants almost a year ago, the ancient city has been ravaged by its captors: its mausoleums destroyed, its people forced to obey Sharia law. The rare accounts we’ve heard depict scenes of social desecration.

Liberated villagers ‘hysterical’

When we travel through liberated villages, the residents become almost hysterical at the sight of the French and Malian tanks. They rush out of their homes with the national flag shouting “Mali!” These people are literally being liberated after experiencing the terror of Sharia law. The accounts we’ve heard are terrible: suspected thieves having their hands cut off; women forced to wear the veil; men banned from wearing long trousers.

Residents tell us that the rebels flee very quickly [when the French and Malian forces arrive], leaving behind weapons and vehicles. They dress like civilians so as not to stand out and then try to head for the border with Mauritania.

Previous blog Posts on Mali

http://knewzfrommeroewest.blogspot.com/search?q=Islam+in+Africa

http://knewzfrommeroewest.blogspot.com/2012/07/mali-islamists-to-continue-destroying.html

http://knewzfrommeroewest.blogspot.com/2012/07/mali-again-government-unraveling.html

Thursday, January 24, 2013

Awareness to Keep You Ahead of the Game


Anybody but me thinking of relocating? As I consider possible locales where I would thrive, and find harmony for my style of life, I also am interested in how integrated are all the social classes in the life of the city. I've watched cities evolve over time, and so for me paying attention to 'class consciousness' and how those dynamics are being played out is just as important as knowing about career opportunities and how rich is the blend of ethnic, economic and cultural diversity in a given area.

This article is the first of a three part series exploring how America's largest cities and metropolitan areas are currently divided by class.
The study begins by looking at New York. The next article will focus on America's second largest metro, Los Angeles. I was only able to include the map below, so here is the article link to view the other two maps used in the study.
http://www.theatlanticcities.com/neighborhoods/2013/01/class-divided-cities-new-york-edition/3819/

Remember~ wherever we are, we are meant to thrive, BE our Best Self, and enjoy the best of life!
lovu,
Kentke



Class-Divided Cities: New York Edition



By Richard Florida
8:00 AM ET
Class-Divided Cities: New York Edition
Zara Matheson/MPI



Social class, an inescapable presence in American life, influences almost every aspect of our culture. It is inscribed on our very geography. Although our cities are more than ever our most powerful economic engines, they also are becoming more divided along class lines, creating distinct experiences within a given city.

This divide is seen most clearly in where members of each class live. A recent report from the Pew Research Center found that residential segregation between upper- and lower- income households has risen in 27 of America's 30 largest metros over the past several decades. Compounding this polarization between rich and poor neighborhoods, the share of middle-income neighborhoods has declined substantially.

This growing socio-economic divide is not just an American phenomenon. In Canada, Toronto [PDF] and Vancouver [PDF] — two metros known for their liberal approaches to health care, education, multiculturalism, and the environment — have both been affected by this trend, according to a pair of detailed studies by the University of Toronto's Cities Centre. Both have seen the erosion of once stable middle–income neighborhoods, the dramatic growth of lower–income areas, and increased segregation of rich and poor in their own separate enclaves.

To get a better sense of the scale of the divide in American cities, my research team at the Martin Prosperity Institute — relying on data from the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey — plotted and mapped the residential locations of today's three major classes: the shrinking middle of blue-collar workers in manufacturing, transportation, and maintenance; the rising numbers of highly paid knowledge, professional, and creative workers in the creative class; and the even larger and faster-growing ranks of lower-paid, lower-skill service workers. For the next few weeks, I'll be exploring the various divides in some of America's largest cities and metros.

We begin today with New York. New York is America's largest city and metro. It also ranks first among the 10 largest metros for its percentage of low-income households that are located in exclusively low-income census tracts (41 percent), according to the Pew study cited above. It ranks third on the study's overall measure of residential segregation. And it ranks fifth among the largest metros, after Houston, Dallas, Miami, and Los Angeles, for its percentage (16 percent) of upper-income households that are located in exclusively upper-income tracts.

Like most studies of its kind, the Pew report establishes residential patterns on the basis of income. Our data, maps and tables (below) are based instead on the type of work that residents do — their socio-economic class.

The first map (above) charts the geography of class for the whole New York metro.

The geographic divide is pronounced. The creative class lives in the areas that are shaded in purple, the red areas are primarily service class, and the blue are working class. Each colored space on the map is a Census tract, a small area within a county that in cities can be even smaller than a neighborhood. We only used tracts with at least 500 employed residents, so some tracts do not appear on the map.

The creative class, which includes workers in science and technology, business and management, arts, culture media and entertainment, and law and healthcare professions, makes up 35.8 percent of the New York City metro area’s workers. These are high-skilled, highly educated, and high-paying positions which average $87,625 in wages and salaries.

Across the metro area, the creative class numbers more that 40 percent of residents in 37.6 percent of tracts (1,641) and more than half of all residents in 21.2 percent (926 tracts). There are 214 tracts (4.9 percent) that are more than two-thirds creative class, and 45 (1.0 percent) where the creative class makes up more than three-quarters of all residents.

Top 10 Creative Class Locations in New York Metro

Neighborhood (Census Tract #) Creative Class Share

Jersey City, New Jersey (77) 83.5%

Columbia/Morningside Heights, Manhattan (207.01) 83.0%

Upper East Side – Carnegie Hill, Manhattan (130) 82.3%

West Village/Washington Square, Manhattan (55.01) 81.9%

Park Slope – Gowanus, Brooklyn (165) 81.9%

West Village/Meatpacking District, Manhattan (79) 81.5%

Lincoln Square, Manhattan (147) 80.9%

Park Slope, Brooklyn (157) 80.9%

Jersey City, New Jersey (58.02) 80.8%

Brooklyn Heights – Cobble Hill, Brooklyn (5.02) 80.6%

Metro Average 35.9%

The table above shows the top 10 creative class locations (defined as Census tracts with more than 500 people) in the metro area. The creative class makes up more than 80 percent of residents in each of them, or more than two and half times the metro average of 35.9 percent.

This is a highly concentrated geographic area mainly in and around Lower Manhattan. It includes two tracts in the West Village, two in Jersey City, New Jersey, two in Park Slope, one in Brooklyn Heights, one in Morningside Heights adjacent to Columbia University, one in the Upper East Side and one in Lincoln Square (Broadway and Columbus Avenue in the '60s, near Lincoln Center).

The service class includes the low-wage, low-skill workers who hold routine service jobs in food service and preparation, retail sales, clerical and administrative positions and the like. This is the largest class of workers, making up 48.1 percent of the region’s workforce, and includes some of the fastest growing job categories. Service workers in the metro average $34,241 in wages and salaries, just 39 percent of what creative class members make.

Across the New York metro, the service class makes up more than half of all residents in 1,635 tracts (37.5 percent) and more than two-thirds of residents in 197 (4.5 percent).

Top 10 Service Class Locations in New York Metro

Neighborhood (Census Tract #) Service Class Share

Sheepshead Bay-Manhattan Beach, Brooklyn (572) 89.1%

Flatlands/Canarsie, Brooklyn (944.02) 88.4%

East New York, Brooklyn (1214) 85.3%

East New York Part B, Brooklyn (1144) 84.8%

East New York Part B, Brooklyn (1134) 83.6%

Brookville, Long Island (9811) 83.6%

Bedford/Clinton Hill, Brooklyn (259.02) 81.7%

East New York Part A, Brooklyn (1150) 81.6%

North Riverdale/Fieldston, Bronx (319) 81.5%

East New York Part A, Brooklyn (1110) 81.4%

Metro Average 46.9%


The red (service class) and purple (creative class) areas are much larger than the working class areas and also quite distinct from one another. For all the talk of affluent, upper-class suburbs, the creative class is located closer in toward the center city, while lower-paid service class neighborhoods are situated towards the outer boroughs of New York City and the comparative hinterlands of Long Island, as well as coastal and northwest New Jersey. As the table above shows, the leading service class locations — where more than 80 percent of residents hold service class jobs, compared to an average of 46.9 percent for the metro — are in Brooklyn, the Bronx, and Long Island.

Top 10 Working Class Locations in New York Metro

Neighborhood (Census Tract #) Working Class Share

Passaic, New Jersey (1753.01) 63.0%

Paterson, New Jersey (1828) 62.7%

Passaic, New Jersey (1752) 60.3%

North Ironbound/Newark, New Jersey (70) 58.7%

Passaic, New Jersey (1753.02) 57.3%

Paterson, New Jersey (1822) 57.1%

Newark, New Jersey (76) 56.7%

Passaic, New Jersey (1759) 55.3%

Plainfield, New Jersey (393) 54.8%

Newark, New Jersey (72) 54.7%

Metro Average 17.2%

Most striking is the extent to which the working class has disappeared from the region’s geography. The working class includes workers who hold factory jobs, or work in transportation and construction. It comprises 16 percent of the region's workers, who average $43,723 in wages and salaries.

There are just 17 tracts — less than one-half of one percent of the tracts in the metro — where the working class accounts for more than half of all residents. Conversely, there are more than 1,000 tracts — more than one in five — where the working class accounts for 10 percent or fewer residents, and 366 tracts (8.4 percent) where the working class represents five percent or less of all residents.

Just a few speckles of blue on the map can be seen in and around Newark and Elizabeth, with some in Paterson and Passaic as well. This is startling in a region that had a huge manufacturing base and working class population less than half a century ago.


The second map (above) zooms into the class geography of New York City proper. Again, the divides along class lines are sharp. (see website link)
http://www.theatlanticcities.com/neighborhoods/2013/01/class-divided-cities-new-york-edition/3819/



The purple creative class areas are concentrated in Manhattan, all the way from the southern tip of the Financial District through Tribeca, SoHo, the Village, Chelsea, Midtown, and the Upper East and West Sides. The service class is again pushed further outward, with a small pocket on the Lower East Side, and then north in Harlem, Morningside Heights and Washington Heights, and Inwood.
For all the talk of gentrification in Brooklyn, it is confined almost completely to Williamsburg, Brooklyn Heights, Cobble Hill, Ft. Greene, Clinton Hill, Dumbo, and Park Slope, adjacent to lower Manhattan. Most of the borough is red, home to a large service class, with a smattering of blue in neighborhoods like Bensonhurst, Sunset Park, Coney Island, Flatbush, East New York, and Marine Park, where significant numbers of working class people still live.

The service class predominates in Queens, the Bronx, and Staten Island. With the exception of solidly purple Riverdale, the Bronx is almost completely red. Queens is solidly red, with a small line of working-class blue in neighborhoods like Elmhurst and in the Rockaways as well as purple splotches marking relatively affluent neighborhoods like Forest Hills. The purple area in Staten Island is not as big as it seems; though the area near the Staten Island mall includes some expensive houses, much of it is wetlands and park. The same goes for the big purple patch in Brooklyn's Jamaica Bay, which is largely unpopulated, and Manhattan's Central Park.

What gives cities their special economic and cultural energy is their diversity of people and economic functions — the way they push people of different ethnicities, incomes, cultures, races, educations, and interests into close proximity, enabling them to interact and combine and recombine in unique and powerful ways. While our cities may be increasingly diverse in terms of nationality, ethnicity, and sexual orientation, they are becoming ever-more divided by class. These mounting divides threaten both their underlying economic dynamism and potentially their social and political stability as well.



I’ll have much more to say about this in future posts, as I continue to track this new geography of class. Next week, I'll take a look at the second-largest U.S. metro, Los Angeles.

Richard Florida is Co-Founder and Editor at Large at The Atlantic Cities. He's also a Senior Editor at The Atlantic, Director of the Martin Prosperity Institute at the University of Toronto's Rotman School of Management, and Global Research Professor at New York University. He is a frequent speaker to communities, business and professional organizations, and founder of the Creative Class Group, whose current client list can be found here. All posts »

Wednesday, January 23, 2013

Three Gorges Dam, Hubei Province, China

World's Most Notorious Dam

Just bringing your attention to these images because they are really something. Here are 20 awesome structures created by man to   
'hold back the waters'.

Be sure to click on the extra photos of each dam to get views from different angles.

Give yourself a moment and wash your mind free of whatever the daily grind and the media are trying to get you to worry about.....

lovu,
Kentke

The World's 20 Most Amazing Dams

http://www.weather.com/travel/worlds-most-amazing-dams-20130110

Monday, January 14, 2013

Guns, Walmart and Well....ol' Folks.....


Purchasing Shotgun Shells


There was a bit of confusion at the local Walmart store yesterday. When I was ready to pay for my purchase of a box of shotgun shells the cashier said, "Strip down, facing me."

I made a mental note to complain to the manager about the anti-gun people running amok but I did just as she had instructed.

When her hysterical shrieking finally subsided, I found out that she was referring to my credit card.

I have been asked to shop elsewhere in the future. They really need to make their instructions to seniors a little clearer!

Saturday, January 5, 2013

Freeing Your Imagination~ Stepping Into Infinity Now

The Life of Pi, and Other Infinities





New York Times,
Science
By NATALIE ANGIER

December 31, 2012


On this day that fetishizes finitude, that reminds us how rapidly our own earthly time share is shrinking, allow me to offer the modest comfort of infinities.

Yes, infinities, plural. The popular notion of infinity may be of a monolithic totality, the ultimate, unbounded big tent that goes on forever and subsumes everything in its path — time, the cosmos, your complete collection of old Playbills. Yet in the ever-evolving view of scientists, philosophers and other scholars, there really is no single, implacable entity called infinity.

Instead, there are infinities, multiplicities of the limit-free that come in a vast variety of shapes, sizes, purposes and charms. Some are tailored for mathematics, some for cosmology, others for theology; some are of such recent vintage their fontanels still feel soft. There are flat infinities, hunchback infinities, bubbling infinities, hyperboloid infinities. There are infinitely large sets of one kind of number, and even bigger, infinitely large sets of another kind of number.

There are the infinities of the everyday, as exemplified by the figure of pi, with its endless post-decimal tail of nonrepeating digits, and how about if we just round it off to 3.14159 and then serve pie on March 14 at 1:59 p.m.? Another stalwart of infinity shows up in the mathematics that gave us modernity: calculus.

“All the key concepts of calculus build on infinite processes of one form or another that take limits out to infinity,” said Steven Strogatz, author of the recent book “The Joy of x: A Guided Tour of Math, From One to Infinity” and a professor of applied mathematics at Cornell. In calculus, he added, “infinity is your friend.”

Yet worthy friends can come in prickly packages, and mathematicians have learned to handle infinity with care.

“Mathematicians find the concept of infinity so useful, but it can be quite subtle and quite dangerous,” said Ian Stewart, a mathematics researcher at the University of Warwick in England and the author of “Visions of Infinity,” the latest of many books. “If you treat infinity like a normal number, you can come up with all sorts of nonsense, like saying, infinity plus one is equal to infinity, and now we subtract infinity from each side and suddenly naught equals one. You can’t be freewheeling in your use of infinity.”

Then again, a very different sort of infinity may well be freewheeling you. Based on recent studies of the cosmic microwave afterglow of the Big Bang, with which our known universe began 13.7 billion years ago, many cosmologists now believe that this observable universe is just a tiny, if relentlessly expanding, patch of space-time embedded in a greater universal fabric that is, in a profound sense, infinite. It may be an infinitely large monoverse, or it may be an infinite bubble bath of infinitely budding and inflating multiverses, but infinite it is, and the implications of that infinity are appropriately huge.

“If you take a finite physical system and a finite set of states, and you have an infinite universe in which to sample them, to randomly explore all the possibilities, you will get duplicates,” said Anthony Aguirre, an associate professor of physics who studies theoretical cosmology at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

Not just rough copies, either. “If the universe is big enough, you can go all the way,” Dr. Aguirre said. “If I ask, will there be a planet like Earth with a person in Santa Cruz sitting at this colored desk, with every atom, every wave function exactly the same, if the universe is infinite the answer has to be yes.”

In short, your doppelgängers may be out there and many variants, too, some with much better hair who can play Bach like Glenn Gould. A far less savory thought: There could be a configuration, Dr. Aguirre said, “where the Nazis won the war.”

Given infinity’s potential for troublemaking, it’s small wonder the ancient Greeks abhorred the very notion of it.

“They viewed it with suspicion and hostility,” said A. W. Moore, professor of philosophy at Oxford University and the author of “The Infinite” (1990). The Greeks wildly favored tidy rational numbers that, by definition, can be defined as a ratio, or fraction — the way 0.75 equals ¾ and you’re done with it — over patternless infinitums like the square root of 2.

On Pythagoras’ Table of Opposites, “the finite” was listed along with masculinity and other good things in life, while “the infinite” topped the column of bad traits like femininity. “They saw it as a cosmic fight,” Dr. Moore said, “with the finite constantly having to subjugate the infinite.”

Aristotle helped put an end to the rampant infiniphobia by drawing a distinction between what he called “actual” infinity, something that would exist all at once, at a given moment — which he declared an impossibility — and “potential” infinity, which would unfold over time and which he deemed perfectly intelligible. As a result, Dr. Moore said, “Aristotle believed in finite space and infinite time,” and his ideas held sway for the next 2,000 years.

Newton and Leibniz began monkeying with notions of infinity when they invented calculus, which solves tricky problems of planetary motions and accelerating bodies by essentially breaking down curved orbits and changing velocities into infinite series of tiny straight lines and tiny uniform motions. “It turns out to be an incredibly powerful tool if you think of the world as being infinitely divisible,” Dr. Strogatz said.

In the late 19th century, the great German mathematician Georg Cantor took on infinity not as a means to an end, but as a subject worthy of rigorous study in itself. He demonstrated that there are many kinds of infinite sets, and some infinities are bigger than others. Hard as it may be to swallow, the set of all the possible decimal numbers between 1 and 2, being unlistable, turns out to be a bigger infinity than the set of all whole numbers from 1 to forever, which in principle can be listed.

In fact, many of Cantor’s contemporaries didn’t swallow, dismissing him as “a scientific charlatan,” “laughable” and “wrong.” Cantor died depressed and impoverished, but today his set theory is a flourishing branch of mathematics relevant to the study of large, chaotic systems like the weather, the economy and human stupidity.

With his majestic theory of relativity, Einstein knitted together time and space, quashing old Aristotelian distinctions between actual and potential infinity and ushering in the contemporary era of infinity seeking. Another advance came in the 1980s, when Alan Guth introduced the idea of cosmic inflation, a kind of vacuum energy that vastly expanded the size of the universe soon after its fiery birth.

New theories suggest that such inflation may not have been a one-shot event, but rather part of a runaway process called eternal inflation, an infinite ballooning and bubbling outward of this and possibly other universes.

Relativity and inflation theory, said Dr. Aguirre, “allow us to conceptualize things that would have seemed impossible before.” Time can be twisted, he said, “so from one point of view the universe is a finite thing that is growing into something infinite if you wait forever, but from another point of view it’s always infinite.”

Or maybe the universe is like Jorge Luis Borges’s fastidiously imagined Library of Babel, composed of interminable numbers of hexagonal galleries with polished surfaces that “feign and promise infinity.”

Or like the multiverse as envisioned in Tibetan Buddhism, “a vast system of 10^59 universes, that together are called a Buddha Field,” said Jonathan C. Gold, who studies Buddhist philosophy at Princeton.
The finite is nested within the infinite, and somewhere across the glittering, howling universal sample space of Buddha Field or Babel, your doppelgänger is hard at the keyboard, playing a Bach toccata.

Wednesday, January 2, 2013

1863 ~ The First Day of the Year that Brought a New Era

I hope you caught my post in December 2011 when I described my visit to Beaufort, South Carolina, for the Gullah Heritage Festival held at the Penn Center on the Sea Island of St. Helena. Reading the article below presented an interesting arc of Life for me: to connect two points on a continuum and imagine being present January 1, 1863 at the moment in time pictured in the article below~ the first day of the new year that the Emanicipation Proclamation went into effect ~ to the Life I Am today. Kindof like being in an Octavia Butler novel....smile.

During my visit, it's possible that I met descendents of those that were there in the oak grove that day in 1863. All I know is that the region, it's culture and history and the people it produced are wonderful and wonder-filled. I can equate their feelings in 1863, with my moment of joy and contentment, at being in the land of my father's foreparents, amongst my people, grounded in the land.

Beloveds~May your 2013 be rich in Health, Joy, Love, Laughter and constantly expanding Prosperity.
lovu,
Kentke

Don't miss the special Comment following the author's sources below.
Link to my 2011 post if you'd like to read it after today's Knewz: http://knewzfrommeroewest.blogspot.com/2011_12_01_archive.html 
Interesting Comments at the article site:
http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/12/31/the-grove-of-gladness/#postComment

The Grove of Gladness


By BLAIN ROBERTS and ETHAN J. KYTLE


As dawn broke across a cloudless New Year’s Day sky over the South Carolina Sea Islands, Charlotte Forten, a black Pennsylvania missionary who had come south to teach local freed people, set out for Camp Saxton, a waterside settlement on Port Royal Island, near the town of Beaufort. After a short ride on an old carriage that was pulled by “a remarkably slow horse,” Forten boarded a ship for the trip up the Beaufort River.

A band entertained the white and back passengers on the warm winter morning as they steamed toward the headquarters of the 1st South Carolina Volunteers, a regiment made up of former slaves. By midday a crowd of thousands — comprising not only teachers like Forten but also Union soldiers, northern ministers and ex-slaves — had gathered in the largest live-oak grove Forten had ever seen. Located on a plantation a few miles outside of Beaufort, Camp Saxton was, according to Thomas D. Howard, another Northern missionary teaching in the Sea Islands, “ideal for the occasion.”

Why had they come? It was the first day of 1863, yes, but more important, it was the day that Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation was scheduled to take effect. It was, in other words, the moment in which Sea Island bondspeople — indeed, nearly all of the more than three million slaves who resided in rebellious Southern states — were to be officially declared “thenceforward, and forever free.”

Critics have long dismissed the Emancipation Proclamation as a minor document. It had, they say, no immediate impact on, or did not apply to, the vast majority of American slaves. By freeing bondspeople living behind Confederate lines, while exempting slaves who resided in the four loyal border states as well as in Tennessee and Union-occupied portions of Virginia and Louisiana, the president promised liberty only where he could not deliver it. The Emancipation Proclamation “is practically a dead letter,” wrote the conservative New York Herald on Jan. 3, 1863, “and for the present, at least, amounts to nothing as a measure of emancipation.”

Such criticism, however, overlooks several important facts about the Emancipation Proclamation. For one, it fused together the preservation of the Union and the destruction of slavery, at least in Lincoln’s mind. The president had spent the first year of the war insisting that he would not touch slavery where it already existed. His only goal was to restore the nation as it was. Now, Lincoln committed the United States to the idea that the preservation of the Union demanded an end to the institution of slavery. Most Confederate slaves would not realize emancipation on Jan. 1, but, with their future linked to the formidable Union Army, they would not have to wait long.

What is more, some bondspeople did not have to wait at all. The New York Herald admitted as much, conceding that “a few hundred slaves, here and there within the lines of our armies” had been liberated on Emancipation Day. In fact, Lincoln’s proclamation formally freed tens of thousands of slaves in Union-controlled areas of Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi and North Carolina — as well as the South Carolina Sea Islands.

The Emancipation Day celebration at Camp Saxton, S.C., Jan. 1, 1863.
Library of Congress

   The Emancipation Day celebration at Camp Saxton, S.C., Jan. 1, 1863.



At Camp Saxton and elsewhere, then, the first of January signaled something more than a promise: the Emancipation Proclamation was a tangible move toward the imminent death of an institution that had thrived in the region since the 17th century.

Emancipation Day ceremonies — which occurred across the North and Union-occupied South, from New Orleans to the nation’s capital — testified to the thrill of the news. Four thousand blacks paraded through the streets of Norfolk, Va., while runaway slaves, free blacks and leading abolitionists like William C. Nell and Frederick Douglass held a day-long observance at the Tremont Temple in Boston. Douglass later described the meeting as “one of the most affecting … occasions I ever witnessed.”

None of the celebrations, however, matched the ceremony at Camp Saxton. “When some future Bancroft or Motley writes with philosophic brain and poet’s hand the story of the Great Civil War,” wrote Thomas Wentworth Higginson, colonel of the 1st South Carolina Volunteers, “he will find the transition to a new era in our nation’s history to have been fitly marked by one festal day, — that of the announcement of the President’s Proclamation, upon Port-Royal Island, on the first of January, 1863.”

The Massachusetts abolitionist presided over the day’s events from his perch on a platform erected at the center of the plantation grove. It was a remarkable scene, he later recalled: “The moss-hung trees, with their hundred-feet diameter of shade; the eager faces of women and children in the foreground; the many-colored headdresses; the upraised hands; the neat uniforms of the soldiers; the outer row of mounted officers and ladies; and beyond all the blue river, with its swift, free tide.”

Sitting next to Higginson on the platform were a dozen Union officers, musicians and dignitaries, mostly white. They stared out at a sea of black faces, many of whom were now Union soldiers. It was a stark reminder that even emancipation celebrations could not entirely escape the racial hierarchy of the day.

But at times, they did, as these were no ordinary commemorations. In fact, just a few hours earlier, the racial dynamic captured on stage had been symbolically challenged. As a ship full of emancipated slaves arrived at Camp Sexton, Northern soldiers, teachers, reformers and reporters — most of whom were white — gave way to the newly arrived crowd. “For one day, the tables were turned,” wrote Thomas D. Howard to The Christian Inquirer. “You know who have to wait, according to the general rules.” But “on the 1st of January, 1863, the steamer Boston was the boat of the colored people. The white passengers patiently waited until the small boats had carried them to the shore of their grove of gladness.” “Let them go first,” said one white passenger, “the day will be too short for them.”

The program began just before noon with a musical selection, a prayer and a recitation of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation — the final version was not sent out until later that day — by a local planter who had freed his slaves a quarter-century earlier. On paper, Lincoln’s proclamation may have had, in the historian Richard Hofstadter’s famous description, “all the moral grandeur of a bill of lading,” but when read aloud to the crowd at Camp Saxton — who repeatedly interrupted the recitation with loud cheers — it was plenty powerful.

The real emotional chord that day, however, was struck by the freedpeople themselves when, midway through the program, they broke out in an impromptu rendition of “My country ‘Tis of Thee.” Just as Higginson formally accepted regimental “colors” — a silk American flag and a regimental banner made of a lightweight wool fabric called bunting — from the New York minister Mansfield French, “there suddenly arose, close beside the platform, a strong but rather cracked & elderly male voice, into which two women’s voices immediately blended, singing as if by an impulse that can no more be quenched than the morning note of the song sparrow.”

Soon hundreds of voices joined in. The singing eventually spread to the white officers and missionaries seated behind Higginson on the platform, before the colonel curtly commanded, “Leave it to them.”

By the end of the song, sobbing men and women erupted in applause. An Army surgeon, Seth Rogers, wrote that the freedmen and women “sang it so touchingly that every one was thrilled beyond measure,” while Forten deemed it “a touching and beautiful incident.” Higginson was more effusive. “I never saw anything so electric; it made all other words cheap,” he observed in his journal. “Art could not have dreamed of a tribute to the day of jubilee that should be so affecting; history will not believe it.” It was “the key note to the whole day.”

Just one day earlier, Higginson had wondered whether locals even cared about Emancipation Day. “They know that those in this Department are nominally free already,” he noted, “and also they know that this freedom has yet to be established on any firm basis.” But the ceremony at Camp Sexton put an end to such doubts. “Just think of it,” Higginson wrote that evening, “the first day they had ever had a country, the first flag they had ever seen which promised anything to their people, — & here while others stood in silence, waiting for my stupid words these simple souls burst out in their lay, as if they were squatting by their own hearths at home.”

The spontaneity of the moment seemed to inspire the colonel, who offered lengthy off-the-cuff remarks from the platform. “I have for six weeks listened to the songs of these people,” he told the crowd, songs that more often than not evoked “sadness and despair.” Higginson had never heard them utter this hopeful hymn. “How could they sing it before to-day? Was it their country? Was it to them a land of liberty? But now, with this flag unfurled, ‘the day of jubilee has come,’” he announced.

Higginson then called the regiment’s color guard, Sgt. Prince Rivers and Cpl. Robert Sutton, to the front of the stage. After presenting the Stars and Stripes to Rivers, Higginson reminded his sergeant that it was his solemn duty to defend the flag with his life. “Do you understand?” asked the colonel. Yes, sir, responded Rivers. Next Higginson presented the bunting flag to Sutton and ceded the platform to his men.

Rivers, a freedman whom Higginson compared to the Haitian rebel leader Toussaint L’Ouverture, spoke first. He repeated his pledge that he would “die before surrendering” the flag, adding that he hoped “to show it to all the old masters.” Corporal Sutton focused his remarks on the emancipations that had yet to come. There was not a single person here, he told the assembled freedpeople, “but had sister, brother, or some relation among the rebels still.” The ex-slave then insisted that “he could not rest satisfied while so many of their kindred were left in chains,” before urging the 1st South Carolina to “show their flag to Jefferson Davis in Richmond.” The audience showered both soldiers with shouts of approval.

The program continued with another hour of speeches and songs, before the large group retired to crude tables to enjoy a feast of barbecued oxen, hard bread and molasses-sweetened water.

Then, in a fitting coda to the day’s events, the 1st South Carolina Volunteers demonstrated their newfound freedom in an expertly executed dress parade, their bright red trousers, which Higginson hated, the only reminder that the former slaves were any different than the hundreds of thousands of white Americans who wore Union blue.

By 4 p.m., the crowd began to make their way home from Camp Sexton. They boarded
the Flora, which headed north toward St. Helenaville, and another ship, the Boston, which sailed south for Hilton Head. Music filled the air as the black men and women, leaving “their grove of gladness,” in Howard’s apt phrase, once again broke into song. “The singing,” he wrote, “seemed to come from free hearts.”


Blain Roberts and Ethan J. KytleBlain Roberts and Ethan J. Kytle

Blain Roberts and Ethan J. Kytle are assistant professors of history at California State University, Fresno and the authors of the forthcoming book “Struggling with Slavery in the Cradle of the Confederacy: Memory and the ‘Peculiar Institution’ in Charleston, South Carolina.”
Sources:
Rupert S. Holland, ed., “Letters and Diaries of Laura M. Towne, Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina, 1862-1864”; Brenda Stevenson, ed., “The Journal of Charlotte Forten Grimké”; Reminiscences of Thomas Dwight Howard, in “Charles Howard’s Family Domestic History,” 103, No. 3256-z, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Louis P. Masur, “Lincoln’s Hundred Days: The Emancipation Proclamation and the War for the Union”; New York Herald, Jan. 3, 1863; Eric Foner, “The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery”; William C. Harris, “Lincoln’s Last Months”; Allen C. Guelzo, “Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation: The End of Slavery in America”; Mitch Kachun, “Festivals of Freedom: Meaning and Memory in African American Emancipation Celebrations, 1808-1915”; Frederick Douglass, “Life and Times of Frederick Douglass”; Liberator, Jan. 16, 1863; New-York Tribune, Jan. 14, 1863; New York Times, Jan. 9, 1863; Thomas Wentworth Higginson, “Regular and Volunteer Officers,” Atlantic Monthly 14 (September 1864) and “Army Life in a Black Regiment”; Christopher Looby, ed., “The Complete Civil War Journal and Selected Letters of Thomas Wentworth Higginson”; Stephen V. Ash, “Firebrand of Liberty: The Story of Two Black Regiments that Changed the Course of the Civil War”; “Emancipation Day in South Carolina,” Frank Leslie’s Newspaper, Jan. 24, 1863; Christian Inquirer, Jan. 17, 1863; Richard Hofstadter, “The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It”; Elizabeth W. Pearson, ed., “Letters from Port Royal Written at the Time of the Civil War”; Seth Rogers, “War Letters of Dr. Seth Rogers, 1862-3,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 43 (February 1910); John Niven, ed., “The Salmon P. Chase Papers: Correspondence, Vol. III: 1858 – March 1863.”

A noteworthy Comment from the article site I wanted to share with you~

 walterrhett
Charleston, SC

For a brief historic description of the first emancipation celebration, began at midnight, Jan. 1, 1863, at Port Royal, South Carolina, see: "A Glory Over Everything:" History's Invisible Veil: [http://wp.me/p1mBVu-Rl], pp. 41-47, 50. (Adjust the zoom if needed.) It confirms many of the facts above, but cites family and historic African-American connections, including the presence of Harriet Tubman. Prince Rivers, mentioned above, had formerly been a carriage driver and had driven the Confederate general, New Orleans native, P. G. T. Beauregard into the city of Charleston to take up its defense. Later, in February, 1864, River's regiment, the 33rd USCT, would help drive Beauregard out of the city! After the war, Rivers was appointed a magistrate in the Aiken, SC area.

John Greenleaf Whittier composed an anthem for the emancipation event, sung by a chorus of newly freed school children. A grave site for one of the African-American soldiers, Pvt. David Sparkman, present at the ceremony and celebration (a member of Company K) is marked with a commemorative headstone in the Simmons cemetery on Charleston's Daniel's Island,
Peter Stevens, the bishop of Sparkman's church (Reformed Episcopal) was the Citadel commandant who ordered the firing of the first shot of the Civil War. He later baptized Sparkman's children. Blind in later life, Stevens was dependent upon the blacks he fought to keep enslaved for his care.

Jan. 1, 2013 at 12:42 p.m.

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Sunday, December 16, 2012

How Long Will Ignorance Rule Humanities' Understanding of the Idea of 'Race'?


This post presents an abbreviated history of how we in the United States have arrived at the point where the article shared in the previous post could be considered headline news worthy to be broadcast and published by major news outlets.


The information is from Wikipedia, and I encourage you to donate to their request for contributions to enable them to provide online information to the public. I note the website this is taken from at the end of the post, as there's a wealth of additional information, bibliographies and sources to continue to free your mind of the American and European belief system of white superiority that infects all of our consciousness.

lovu all~
Kentke


Definitions of white have changed over the years, including the official definitions used in many countries, such as the United States and Brazil. Some people of color defied official regulations through the phenomenon of "passing", many of them becoming white people, either temporarily or permanently. Through the mid-to-late 20th century, numerous countries had formal legal standards or procedures defining racial categories. However, as critiques of racism and scientific arguments against the existence of race have risen, a trend towards self-identification of racial status has become more prominent.

The cultural boundaries separating white Americans from other racial or ethnic categories are contested and always changing. According to John Tehranian, among those not considered white at some points in American history have been: the Irish, Germans, Levantines (including diaspora Jews and Levantine Arabs), Italians, Spaniards, white Hispanics, Slavs, and Greeks. Studies have found that while current parameters officially encompassed Arabs as part of the White American racial category, many immigrants from the Gulf states feel they are not white and are not perceived as white by American society."

Professor David R. Roediger of the University of Illinois, suggests that the construction of the white race in the United States was an effort to mentally distance slave owners from slaves. By the 18th century, white had become well established as a racial term. The process of officially being defined as white by law often came about in court disputes over pursuit of citizenship. The Immigration Act of 1790 offered naturalization only to "any alien, being a free white person". In at least 52 cases, people denied the status of white by immigration officials sued in court for status as white people. By 1923, courts had vindicated a "common-knowledge" standard, concluding that "scientific evidence" was incoherent. Legal scholar John Tehranian argues that in reality this was a "performance-based" standard, relating to religious practices, education, intermarriage and a community's role in the United States.

In 1923, the Supreme Court decided in United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind that people of India were not "free white men" entitled to citizenship, despite anthropological evidence in "the extreme northwestern districts of India"there is present the "Caucasian or Aryan race" with an "intermixture of blood" from the "dark skinned Dravidian". A report from the Pew Research Center in 2008 projects that by 2050, Non-Hispanic White Americans will make up 47% of the population, down from 67% projected in 2005. White Americans made up nearly 90% of the population in 1950.

One-third of Americans classified as "white" in a study contained between two and twenty percent African genetic admixture, which can be extrapolated to about 74 million whites in America with this admixture.

One drop rule

The one drop rule–that a person with any amount of known African ancestry (however small or invisible) is not white–is a classification that was used in parts of the United States. It is a colloquial term for a set of laws passed by 18 US states between 1910 and 1931, many as a consequence of Plessy v. Ferguson, a Supreme Court decision that upheld the concept of racial segregation by accepting a separate but equal argument. The set of laws was finally declared unconstitutional in 1967, when the Supreme Court ruled on anti-miscegenation laws while hearing Loving v. Virginia, which also found that Virginia's Racial Integrity Act of 1924 was unconstitutional. The one drop rule attempted to create a bifurcated system of either black or white regardless of a person's physical appearance, but sometimes failed as people with African ancestry sometimes passed as "white", as noted above. This contrasts with the more flexible social structures present in Latin America (derived from the Spanish colonial era casta system) where there were less clear-cut divisions between various ethnicities.

As a result of centuries of having children with white people, the majority of African Americans have European admixture, and many white people also have African ancestry. Robert P. Stuckert, member of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Ohio State University said that the majority of the descendants of African slaves are white. Writer and editor Debra Dickerson questions the legitimacy of the one drop rule, stating that "easily one-third of black people have white DNA". She argues that in ignoring their European ancestry, African Americans are denying their fully articulated multi-racial identities.

The peculiarity of the one drop rule may be illustrated by the case of singer Mariah Carey, who was publicly called "another white girl trying to sing black", but who in an interview with Larry King, responded that—despite her physical appearance and the fact that she was raised primarily by her white mother—due to the one drop rule she did not "feel white".


White people, rather than being a straightforward description of skin color, is a term denoting a specific set of ethnic groups and functions as a color metaphor for race.

The definition of "white person" differs according to geographical and historical context. Various social constructions of whiteness have had implications in terms of national identity, consanguinity, public policy, religion, population statistics, racial segregation, affirmative action, eugenics, racial marginalization and racial quotas. The concept has been applied with varying degrees of formality and internal consistency in disciplines including sociology, politics, genetics, biology, medicine, biomedicine, language, culture and law  

History of the term

The notion of "white people" or a "white race" as a large group of populations contrasting with non-white or "colored" originates in the 17th century. Pragmatic description of populations as "white" in reference to their skin color[citation needed] predates this notion and is found in Greco-Roman ethnography and other ancient sources.

Antiquity and Middle Ages: occasional physical description


1820 drawing of a Book of Gates fresco of the tomb of Seti I, depicting (from left) four groups of people: Libyans, Nubians, Semitics, Egyptians.


In the literature of the Ancient Near East and Classical Antiquity, descriptions of the physical aspect of various nations in terms of color is commonplace.

The Sumerians referred to themselves as ùĝ saĝ gíg-ga, meaning "the black-headed people". Vicki Leone contrasts this in her book Uppity Women of Ancient Times, noting that the Sumerians paintings and mosaics depict a people possessing dark blue eyes. The Ancient Egyptian (New Kingdom) funerary text known as the Book of Gates distinguishes "four races of men". These are the Egyptians, the Levantine peoples or "Asiatics", the "Nubians" and the "fair-skinned Libyans".

Xenophon describes the Ethiopians as black, and the Persian troops as white compared to the sun-tanned skin of Greek troops.Herodotus similarly used Melanchroes "dark-skinned" for the Egyptians and he compared them to the Aithiopsi "burned-faced" for the Ethiopians. Herodotus also describes the Scythian Budini as having deep blue eyes and bright red hair.

These color adjectives are typically found in contrast to the "standard" set by the own group, not as a self-description. Classicist James Dee found that, "the Greeks do not describe themselves as "white people"—or as anything else because they had no regular word in their color vocabulary for themselves—and we can see that the concept of a distinct 'white race' was not present in the ancient world."

Assignment of positive and negative connotations of white and black date to the classical period in a number of Indo-European languages, but these differences were not applied to skin color per se. Religious conversion was described figuratively as a change in skin color. Similarly, the Rigveda uses krsna tvac "black skin" as a metaphor for irreligiosity.

The pseudo-Aristotelian Physiognomica (2nd century BC) in keeping with the Aristotelian doctrine of the golden mean postulates that the ideal skin tone was to be found somewhere between very dark and very light:
"Those who are too black are cowards, like for instance, the Egyptians and Ethiopians. But those who are excessively white are also cowards as we can see from the example of women and Europeans, the complexion of courage is between the two."

Similar views were held by a number of Arabic writers during the time of the medieval Caliphate period. Some Arabs at the time viewed their "swarthy" skin as the ideal skin tone, in comparison to the darker Sub-Saharan Africans and the fairer "ruddy people" (which included Levantines, Persians, Turks, North Caucasians, South Caucasian and Europeans).

"White people" and modern racial hierarchies  

The term "white race" or "white people" entered the major European languages in the later 17th century, originating with the racialization of slavery at the time, in the context of the Atlantic slave trade and enslavement of native peoples in the Spanish Empire. While first a social category, it has repeatedly been ascribed to strains of blood, ancestry, and physical traits, and was eventually made into a subject of scientific research, which culminated in scientific racism, before being widely repudiated by the scientific community. According to historian Irene Silverblatt, "Race thinking … made social categories into racial truths." Bruce David Baum, citing the work of Ruth Frankenberg, states, "the history of modern racist domination has been bound up with the history of how European peoples defined themselves (and sometimes some other peoples) as members of a superior 'white race.'" Alastair Bonnett argues that 'white identity', as it is presently conceived, is an American project, reflecting American interpretations of race and history.

According to Gregory Jay, a professor of English at the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee,

Before the age of exploration, group differences were largely based on language, religion, and geography. ... the European had always reacted a bit hysterically to the differences of skin color and facial structure between themselves and the populations encountered in Africa, Asia, and the Americas (see, for example, Shakespeare's dramatization of racial conflict in Othello and The Tempest). Beginning in the 1500s, Europeans began to develop what became known as "scientific racism," the attempt to construct a biological rather than cultural definition of race ... Whiteness, then, emerged as what we now call a "pan-ethnic" category, as a way of merging a variety of European ethnic populations into a single "race" ...
—Gregory Jay, "Who Invented White People?"


White people as a social category

A three-part racial schema in color terms was used in seventeenth century Latin America under Spanish rule. Irene Silverblatt traces "race thinking" in South America to the social categories of colonialism and state formation: "White, black, and brown are abridged, abstracted versions of colonizer, slave, and colonized. "The term white came into wide use in the British colonies in America from the 1680s.]

White people in the science of race

18th century beginnings

In 1758, Carolus Linnaeus proposed what he considered to be natural taxonomic categories of the human species. He distinguished between Homo sapiens and Homo sapiens europaeus, and he later added four geographical subdivisions of humans: white Europeans, red Americans, yellow Asians and black Africans. Although Linnaeus intended them as objective classifications, he used both taxonomical and cultural data in his subdivision descriptions.

In 1775, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach described the white race as "the white color holds the first place, such as it is that most Europeans. The redness of cheeks in this variety is almost peculiar to it: at all events it is but seldom seen in the rest... Color white, Cheeks rosy". He categorized humans into five races, which largely corresponded with Linnaeus' classifications, except for the addition of Oceanians (whom he called Malay). He characterized the racial classification scheme of Metzger as making "two principal varieties as extremes:(1) the white man native of Europe, of the northern parts of Asia, America and Africa..", and the racial classification scheme of John Hunter as having, "seven varieties:...  brownish as the southern Europeans, Turks, Abyssinians, Samoiedes and Lapps;  white, as the remaining Europeans, the Mingrelians and Kabardinski". Blumenbach is known for arguing that physical characteristics like skin color, cranial profile, etc., were correlated with group character and aptitude. Craniometry and phrenology would attempt to make physical appearance correspond with racial categories. The fairness and relatively high brows of Caucasians were held to be apt physical expressions of a loftier mentality and a more generous spirit. The epicanthic folds around the eyes of Mongolians and their slightly sallow outer epidermal layer bespoke their supposedly crafty, literal-minded nature.

Later in life, Blumenbach encountered in Switzerland "eine zum Verlieben schöne Négresse" ("a Negress so beautiful to fall in love with"). Further anatomical study led him to the conclusion that 'individual Africans differ as much, or even more, from other individual Africans as Europeans differ from Europeans'. Furthermore he concluded that Africans were not inferior to the rest of mankind 'concerning healthy faculties of understanding, excellent natural talents and mental capacities'. These later ideas were far less influential than his earlier assertions with regard to the perceived relative qualities of the different races, which opened the way to secular and scientific racism.

I also highly recommend Dr. Joy Degruy Leary's book Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome Chapter 2 for deeper insight into Linnaeus, Blumenbach and others who put in place the cornerstones of the ignorance at the foundation of humanities' beliefs about race, skin color, attributes and capacities within the human family.

In a 1775 work, Von den verschiedenen Rassen der Menschen ("Of [About] The Different Races of Humans"), German philosopher Immanuel Kant used the term weiß (white) to refer to "the white one [race] of northern Europe".

Caucasian race

The study into race and ethnicity in the 18th and 19th centuries developed into what would later be termed scientific racism. During the period of the mid-19th to mid-20th century,[25] race scientists, including most physical anthropologists classified the world's populations into three, four, or five races, which, depending on the authority consulted, were further divided into various sub-races. During this period the Caucasian race, named after people of the North Caucasus (Caucasus Mountains) but extending to all Europeans, figured as one of these races, and was incorporated as a formal category of both scientific research and, in countries including the United States, social classification.   There was never any scholarly consensus on the delineation between the Caucasian race, including the populations of Europe, and the Mongoloid one, including the populations of East Asia. Thus, Carleton S. Coon (1939) included the populations native to all of Central and Northern Asia under the Caucasian label, while Thomas Henry Huxley (1870) classified the same populations as Mongoloid, and Lothrop Stoddard (1920) excluded the populations of the Middle East and North Africa as well as those of Central Asia, classifying them as "brown", and counted as "white" only the European peoples.

Some authorities, following Huxley (1870), distinguished the Xanthochroi or "light whites" of Northern Europe with the Melanochroi or "dark whites" of the Mediterranean.

21st century

Alastair Bonnett has stated that, a strong "current of scientific research supports the theory that Europeans were but one expression of a wider racial group (termed sometimes Caucasian), a group that included peoples from Asia and North Africa". Bonnett, does, however, note that this is not a commonplace definition: in Europe and North America the inclusion of non-Europeans is a "technicality little favoured outside certain immigration bureaucracies and traditional anthropology."

Raj Bhopal and Liam Donaldson opine that white people are a heterogeneous group, and the term white should therefore be abandoned as a classification for the purposes of epidemiology and health research, and identifications based on geographic origin and migration history be used instead.  

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_terms_for_white_people_in_non-Western_cultures

I also highly recommend these books:
Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome, by Joy Degruy Leary, Ph.D
Race and the Cosmos, by Dr. Barbara A. Holmes,
Order from: Marcus Books (S. F. Bay Area) or EsoWon Books/
 http://www.esowonbookstore.com/

Wednesday, December 12, 2012

Here's a 12-12-12 Prediction You Can Believe In~Census: Whites no Longer a Majority in US by 2043


(AP) Chart shows projections of future racial and hispanic origin breakdowns


Dec 12, 5:41 PM (ET)
By HOPE YEN
Jennifer Agiesta, AP Director of Polling contributed to this report.



WASHINGTON (AP) - White people will no longer make up a majority of Americans by 2043, according to new census projections. That's part of a historic shift that already is reshaping the nation's schools, workforce and electorate, and is redefining long-held notions of race.

The official projection, released Wednesday by the Census Bureau, now places the tipping point for the white majority a year later than previous estimates, which were made before the impact of the recent economic downturn was fully known.

America continues to grow and become more diverse due to higher birth rates among minorities, particularly for Hispanics who entered the U.S. at the height of the immigration boom in the 1990s and early 2000s. Since the mid-2000 housing bust, however, the arrival of millions of new immigrants from Mexico and other nations has slowed from its once-torrid pace.

The country's changing demographic mosaic has stark political implications, shown clearly in last month's election that gave President Barack Obama a second term - in no small part due to his support from 78 percent of non-white voters.

There are social and economic ramifications, as well. Longstanding fights over civil rights and racial equality are going in new directions, promising to reshape race relations and common notions of being a "minority." White plaintiffs now before the Supreme Court argue that special protections for racial and ethnic minorities dating back to the 1960s may no longer be needed, from affirmative action in college admissions to the Voting Rights Act, designed for states with a history of disenfranchising blacks.

Residential segregation has eased and intermarriage for first- and second-generation Hispanics and Asians is on the rise, blurring racial and ethnic lines and lifting the numbers of people who identify as multiracial. Unpublished 2010 census data show that millions of people shunned standard race categories such as black or white on government forms, opting to write in their own cultural or individual identities.

By 2060, multiracial people are projected to more than triple, from 7.5 million to 26.7 million - rising even faster and rendering notions of race labels increasingly irrelevant, experts say, if lingering stigma over being mixed-race can fully fade.

The non-Hispanic white population, now at 197.8 million, is projected to peak at 200 million in 2024, before entering a steady decline in absolute numbers as the massive baby boomer generation enters its golden years. Four years after that, racial and ethnic minorities will become a majority among adults 18-29 and wield an even greater impact on the "youth vote" in presidential elections, census projects.
"The fast-growing demographic today is now the children of immigrants," said Marcelo Suarez-Orozco, a global expert on immigration and dean of UCLA's Graduate School of Education & Information Studies, describing the rate of minority growth in the U.S. as dipping from "overdrive" to "drive." Even with slowing immigration, Suarez-Orozco says, the "die has been cast" for strong minority growth from births.

As recently as 1960, whites made up 85 percent of the U.S., but that share has steadily dropped after a 1965 overhaul of U.S. immigration laws opened doors to waves of new immigrants from Mexico, Latin America and Asia. By 2000, the percentage of U.S. whites had slid to 69 percent; it now stands at nearly 64 percent.

"Moving forward, the U.S. will become the first major post-industrial society in the world where minorities will be the majority," Suarez-Orozco said. With the white baby boomer population now leaving the workforce, the big challenge will be educating the new immigrants, he said.

The U.S. has nearly 315 million people today. According to the projections released Wednesday, the U.S. population is projected to cross the 400 million mark in 2051, 12 years later than previously projected. The population will hit 420.3 million a half century from now in 2060.

By then, whites will drop to 43 percent of the U.S. Blacks will make up 14.7 percent, up slightly from today. Hispanics, currently 17 percent of the population, will more than double in absolute number, making up 31 percent, or nearly 1 in 3 residents, according to the projections. Asians are expected to increase from 5 percent of the population to 8 percent.

Among children, the point when minorities become the majority is expected to arrive much sooner, by 2018 or so. Last year, racial and ethnic minorities became a majority among babies under age 1 for the first time in U.S. history.

At the same time, the U.S. population as a whole is aging, driven by 78 million mostly white baby boomers born between 1946 and 1964. By 2030, roughly 1 in 5 residents will be 65 and older. Over the next half century, the "oldest old" - those ages 85 and older - will more than triple to 18.2 million, reaching 4 percent of the U.S. population.

The actual shift in demographics will be shaped by a host of factors that can't always be accurately pinpointed - the pace of the economic recovery, cultural changes, natural or manmade disasters, as well as an overhaul of immigration law, which is expected to be debated in Congress early next year.

"The next half century marks key points in continuing trends - the U.S. will become a plurality nation, where the non-Hispanic white population remains the largest single group, but no group is in the majority," said acting Census Bureau Director Thomas Mesenbourg.

Republicans have been seeking to broaden their appeal to minorities, who made up 28 percent of the electorate this year, after faring poorly among non-whites on Election Day, when Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney carried only about 20 percent of non-white votes.

The race and ethnic changes are already seen in pockets of the U.S. and in the younger age groups, where roughly 45 percent of all students in K-12 are Hispanics, blacks, Asian-Americans and others. Already, the District of Columbia and four states - Hawaii, California, New Mexico and Texas - have minority populations greater than 50 percent; across the U.S., more than 11 percent of counties have tipped to "majority-minority" status.

Last month, nearly all voters over age 65 were white (87 percent), but among voters under age 30, just 58 percent were white.

"Irrespective of future immigration and minority fertility patterns, the U.S. is facing a stagnating white population," said William H. Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Institution. "The biggest shift will occur over the next 20 years as the mostly white baby boom generation moves into traditional retirement years. It is in the child and early labor force ages where we must be ready for the greatest changes as new American minorities take over for aging whites."

Economically, the rapidly growing non-white population gives the U.S. an advantage over other developed nations, including Russia, Japan and France, which are seeing reduced growth or population losses due to declining birth rates and limited immigration. The combined population of more-developed countries other than the U.S. has been projected to decline beginning in 2016, raising the prospect of prolonged budget crises as the number of working-age citizens diminish, pension costs rise and tax revenues fall.

Depending on future rates of immigration, the U.S. population is estimated to continue growing through at least 2060. In a hypothetical situation in which all immigration - both legal and illegal - immediately stopped, previous government estimates have suggested the U.S. could lose population beginning in 2048.

"Young families - many of them first or second-generation immigrants - have been the engine of U.S. population growth for several decades," said Mark Mather, associate vice president of the Population Reference Bureau.        



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